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I heard Susan Woodward discuss the ongoing Yugoslav impasse in July 1994. She had traveled from Zagreb to Italy in order to talk to us. In Zagreb she was serving as the head of a ten-member group of specialist advisors to Akashi Yasushi, the UN's chief in former Yugoslavia, which she had recruited at his request. Now a Senior Fellow at the Brookings Institution, Susan Woodward melds sophisticated political analysis to an unmatched familiarity with the politics of former Yugoslavia and the resultant wars. Some biographic data and a list of her recent publications is available on the Brookings web site.
The Paul Garde book remains readily available in Paris bookstores. For a source in the United States, see the Vendor section below.
Larkin's topic on War Theory is centered on inter-state wars . . . though he believes that persuasive 'theoretical' insights into wars' onset should clarify both inter-state wars and wars which are 'internal' or 'ethnic' or 'civil.'
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Dr. Stevan Moljevic, who was to join the Chetnik National Committee's Executive Council in two months' time, wrote a memorandum in June 1941 titled "Homogeneous Serbia." Moljevic sets out what could as well have been the Serbian program of 1990-92: a "homogeneous Serbia which has to include the entire ethnic area populated by Serbs," "transfers and exchanges of populations, especially of Croats from the Serbian and of Serbs from the Croatian areas," all of this to make impossible
"a repetition of the terrible crimes . . . especially during this war, in the entire area in which the Serbs and Croats live intermixed, and where the Croats and Moslems have undertaken in a calculated way the extermination of the Serbs." [Note 1]Just six months later the Chetnik leader, Dragoljub-Draza Mihailovic, perhaps influenced by the Moljevic program, directed commanders to achieve
. . . (2) the creation of a Great Yugoslavia and within it a Great Serbia which is to be ethnically pure and is to include Serbia [meaning also Macedonia], Montenegro, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Srijem, the Banat, and Backa; . . . (4) the cleansing of the state territory of all national minorities and a-national elements, (5) the creation of contiguous frontiers between Serbia and Montenegro, as well as between Serbia and Slovenia by cleansing [removing?] the moslem population from Sandjak and the Moslem and Croat populations from Bosnia and Herzegovina. [Note 2]
[Note 1]: Tomasevich, p. 167, quoting Moljevic.
George Soros, the international financier, has contributed $50,000,000 of his own funds to Sarejevo since 1992. Soros argues that failure to act today gravely imperils society and democracy in the future. He concludes that
William Pfaff puts the question how Washington should act. The Clinton Administration promised 25,000 troops to help cover an UNPROFOR withdrawal, if it came to that. And France is asking that the United States contribute transport to reinforce troops in Gorazde and Sarajevo. "Should it do so?" Pfaff asks. And he responds:
[Note 1]: George Soros, "Firm Action Could Still Reverse the Bosnia Outcome," International Herald Tribune, 17 July 1995, reprinted from the Washington Post.
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Last revised 95.11.01.
95.11.01
95.07.18 Topic initiated.
LearnWorld is © 1995, 1996 Bruce D. Larkin and Helen Kruse Larkin. We can be reached through our home page by email: larkin@webcom.com. A full statement of the terms and conditions for use of this template appears at the bottom of the Welcome Page and in the 'source' version of this page.
Template set issued 95.11.01. We recommend updating all templates issued prior to 95.11.0. This template last revised: 96.12.26.
NOTES:
[Note 2]: Tomasevich, p. 170, citing Dokumenti o izdajstvu Draze Mihailovica, I, 12. The notation "cleansing [removing?]" and the bracketed reference to Macedonia are Tomasevich's.
Articles in Hérodote No. 67
Drafter's Notes
The wars in former Yugoslavia set the pragmatic and moral question: what to do? What aims compel? What means could work? What will domestic opinion support? How can choice among the alternative evils be made in a way which best honors all of those affected by the choice?
What is at stake now is not just Bosnia but the future of the Western alliance. President Chirac is right in drawing a parallel with th appeasement of Hitler in the 1930s. Failure in Bosnia wouild encourage aggressors just as the failure of the League of Nations in Abyssinia did in the run-up to the Second World War. [Note 1]
Of course it should; the former is a commitment of national honor, the latter a final chance to influence not this crisis so much as the next one. [Note 2]
NOTES:
[Note 2]: William Pfaff, "As of Now, Serbia Wins, Europe Loses and the Future is Dark," International Herald Tribune, 17 July 1995, © Los Angeles Times Syndicate.
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